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♦♦Charters of Liberty are always Written in the Blood of 

Heroes." 



SPEECH 

OK 

EON. WILLIAM 0. ARNOLD, 

of pennsylvania, 
In the House of Eepeesentatives, 

Thursday, March 24, ISOS. 

The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and 
having iiuder consideration the bill (H. R. 9378) making appropriations tor the 
naval service for the fiscal year 1898-'99 — 

Mr. ARNOLD said: 

Mr. Chairman: We stand to-day on the verge of an armel con- 
flict, and it were well that our actions be justified by the facts 
and approved by honorable men everywhere. It is clear that the 
Maine was in a supposedly friendly harbor, and was anchored in 
a particular spot by direction of the Spanish authorities. (.>ur 
naval court of inquiry, composed of men of unsullied honor and 
sterling integrity, it is believed, found that the vessel was blown 
up bj' some external force— a mine or torpedo. 

As to what particular persons were the active agents we may 
not be informed directly, but we do know that the only party in- 
terested, and the only party which hates the United States and 
v,-]iich was in a position to accomplish the cowardly and infamous 
act. was Spain. It may not have been officially directed, but the 
responsibility still exists. Without such direction there is such 
negligence as would make the party, in criminal law. guilty of 
manslaughter in a similar occurrence as between citizens of a 
State. To my mind there is moral and legal responsibility rest- 
ing upon Spain. Assuming all this to be true— and I l.elieve it to 
be true — what should be our demands in way of re])arationV In 
this connection. I desire to refer to the suggestion of some un- 
American citizens, that the controversy be settled by arbitration. 

I submit. Mr. Chairman, this can not be done with honor. We 
have not only lost the Maine, which in money can be estimated, 
but there were ushered into eternity without a moment's warn- 
ing 266 American sailors, whose lives were dear to them and dear 
to us. and this can not be estimated or measured. Shall we make 
merchandise of the lives of our people? Can money purchase 
human life? Is gold dearer to us than the blood of patriots? No, 
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n 0^°' ■^"*^ there can not be and must not be any arbitration. 
^ "^ [Applause.] Our honor is at stake and our flag insulted. If I 
V'* in.«ult any gentleman in this House, should there be arbitration to 
decide an"d inform that gentleman whether or not he has been in- 
^* suited'.' Again, any agreement to arbitrate is an infamous reflec- 
tion on the hoTior and integrity of the gentlemen who composed 
our court of iniiuiry. 

You may then say that my views would necessarily lead to war. 
In connection with other facts which I will refer to. relative to 
Cuba. 1 unhesitatingly say. yes. war. with all that it implies, un- 
less full damage.sV)e immediately paid and the complete independ- 
ence of ( "uba be at once obtained. War is the incarnation of an 
awful tragedy, but a greater tragedy was enacted when 260 brave 
American sailors went down to their death through the infamy 
and trsachery of Spain or of some of her subjects. We all love 
peace, and it is dear to us. but may it never again be said of this 
great nation that we will purchase peace at the price of honor. 
[Applause. J 

As to our recognition of belligerent rights or the independence of 
Cuba. I conhdently assert we have both a moral and legal right so 
to do. International law materially differs from constitutional or 
statute law. First, it is not univers:il. and is not binding in law 
or con.science upon any except those nations which have so agreed. 
In fact, so-called international law is not law in its true sense, 
but is in the nature of a contract or compact or agreement by 
common consent. These principles, or rather agreements, are 
Tery broad and general in character, and no positive or inflexible 
rule of action is prescribed. 

The result or effect is that each particular case must be deter- 
mined by the circtamstances. surroundings, and facts of that case. 
But as to our interference in Cuba we have authority and prece- 
dents. Grotius says: 

The same justice which binds the individual as an individual must bind 
him as a state member. The law of nature which i)enetrates the individual 
conscience must guide the national conduct. Justice is approved of and in- 
justice condemned by the consent of all good men in every relation of life. 

D'Aubigne says: 

There is a God in history. There is a moral power abroad whose dictates 
neither statesman nor nation cun afford to despise. 

Maine on International Law says: 

This (Roman) .ius gentium is identical with natural law, and this is, in 
truth, the highest law by which individuals and nations can be governed: 
highest in the alisolute perfection of the rules which it contains: highest in 
the cogency of the commands which it utters, and highest in the absolute 
obligation of the duties which it enforces. 

Let US now refer to precedents: In 1849 the United States early 
and promptly— being the first so to do— recoanized the independ- 
ence of far-off Hungary. In LS-,'.") England 'recognized the inde- 
pendence of the revolted South American colonies of Spain, "be- 
cau.se of sympathias. united with English commercial interests." 
The United States had several years earlier— in 1822— recognized 
the indt'ppndt-nce of these same South American republics. In 
1802 P^ngland instructed its representative in Paris as follows: 

You will state most distinctly His Majesty's determination never to forego 
his right of interfering in the affairs of the Continent on every occasion in 
whi.li the interests of hw own dominions may appear to him to require it. 
1 his riiriit His Majesty possesses in common with every other independent 
power. It rests upon general principles. 
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^ * It was in this same spirit and on the same principle that the 
/ British ministry defended the hombardment of Copenhagen and 
. the seizure of the neutral Danish Heet. 
^ Another precedent, interesting and pertinent at this time, was 
the prompt recognition by Spain, in Juno, I.SCI, of the independ- 
ence of the Confederate States in our own land. But it is unnec- 
essary to multiply authority and precedents. The millions spent 
by our country in preventing filibustering expeditions to Cuba 
the loss of tens of milhons in commerce, the illegal and revolting 
imprisonment by Spain of American residents in Cuba, these and 
many other good reasons dianand immediate action, whicli has 
been too long, much too long, delayed. The (luestion will never 
be settled until it is settled right. 

But throwing aside all precedents and all injuries, and not even 
considering the Maine disaster, there is a law greater and higher 
and nobler than any and all international law, the law of com- 
mon humanity, which not only justifies but demands immediate 
action at our hands. More than 400,000 innocent and peaceful 
men, women, and children deliberately starved to death within 
the last two years, and hundreds, if not thousands, now dying by 
starvation daily, almost within sight of our shores. 

Intensely and sadly interesting as is Senator Proctor's and 
Senator Gallinger"s portrayal of the sad scene, and though we 
have had full knowledge of the awful crime, no hand has been 
lifted to save. 1 have confidence in our present Chief Magistrate. 
I hope ana believe he will measure up not only to his full duty 
a but his opportunities. Washington, because of his labors in the 

cause of liberty, will live through all time. Lincoln, in the cour- 
age; gentleness, and firmness of his great heart, through the 
emancipation proclamation, will be honored through all the 
countless ages yet to come. 

And to our present Chief Magistrate there has come an opportu- 
nity seldom vouchsafed to man to build for himself, in the cause 
of humanity and freedom, a monument which all the assaults of 
all time can not destroy, and leave to posterity a glorious name, 
which will be revered by all men and which will be an inspiration 
to all in future ages who shall battle for their liberties. [Applause.] 
The blood of these murdered people is on the hands of our nation 
to-day. The whole question has resolved itself into one of anni- 
hilation or independence. It has been well demonstrated that 
Spain can not conquer: so she has been pursuing the policy of 
annihilation by starvation. Simple and common humanitv should 
now move us to duty too long delayed. Let us do right,' though 
war result, as it probably will. The history of the world, from 
the slavery of the Israelites under Pharaoh down to this hour, 
shows that charters of liberty are always written in the blood of 
heroes. 

There can be no peace for Cuba, and we as a nation will ever be 
annoyed and troubled, until absolute independence is an accom- 
plished fact. Independence is no new thing to the world at large 
or to ourselves as a nation. Autonomy for Cuba by Spain is a de- 
lusion, a snare, and a failure. Many centuries ago autonomy was 
a fascinating word to Hellenic ears, but it only paved the way to 
Hellenic subjection, and Greece perished. 

In this emergency Providence points the way, duty bids us move 
on in the pathway of progressive civilization, humanity demands 
that we march resolutely forward, and justice insists that we punish 
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dei-eit. perfidy, treachery, cruelty, tyranny, and savagery, which 
are the i)redominaiit traits of Spanish cliaracter. I p\it this state- 
ment against that made by General Blanco in Habana a few 
days ago: 

Th.' v)resent Reueratlon will never see another banner than that of Spain 
at tb«* entrance to the (4ulf of Mexico. That Imnner, representing civiliza- 
tion, progres-s, lil^rty. humanity, and relit^iun, will be eternal. 

How matcliless the irony; how infamous the falsehood! 

In the si)leudid progress and civilisation of the last four cen- 
turies by the great nations "f the worlil. Spain hius not taken one 
single step forward, and sh'> to day belongs to the age of barbar- 
ism. Slie deserves no place and should not have a place on the 
map of the world. Compared with her treatment of Cubans, the 
Turkish massiicres of the Armenians were humane. 

It has been said that our intervention may cause foreign com- 
plications. This should not deter us from our plain duty: but 
there is no such danger: any foreign interference would be met 
by the two great English-speaking people of the world. I would 
not favor "entangling alliances." biat 1 would not refuse the 
active kindne.ss of plate mic, if not maternal, friendship. In this 
connection I am remmded of the statement of a prominent Sjjan- 
jard. a few days ago. that if wel)ecame involved with Spain, there 
was great danger of a revolt against our Government by the late 
Confederate States. What gross ignorance; what an infamous 
slander. Tis true the South suffered much at the hands of the 
North dunng our late strife. Very many of her best and bravest 
went down to their death: beautiful homes were ruined and deso- 
late: sorrow and lies] lair seemed their only heritage. But. withal, 
honor, courage, and determination were .still theirs, and with these 
as part and panel of ideal manhood, a new South has sprung up, 
and joining hands with their brethren of the North we are all 
moving onward and upward to attain to the highest jiossibilities 
of this our nation — one God, one tlag, one country, one destiny. 

And if that flag is ever assailed 1 know that no hand wi!! be 
(piii'ker than tiiat of the South to strike down the assailant, and 
none will more earnestly and (piickly respond to defend the honor 
and glory of this United States. 

I will not detain the House longer, excejjt to urge the duty of 
the hour. That duty is independence and intervention. In the 
name of the Christ, let us b« humane: in the name of humanity, 
let us be just: in the name of justice, let us do right; and being 
t us dare maintain it. | Loud applause.J 
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